For educators, live streaming is a tool not a business model

Editor’s note: This article by Rita Liao was originally published by TechNode. It has been re-posted here with permission.

As live streaming propelled the KOL (key opinion leader, internet celebrity, or wanghong in Chinese) economy in China to go from hot to not in the past two years, this new social networking technology has been steadily transforming how the nation’s K-12 students get their after-school tutoring.

“Guys, did you screenshot the formula from earlier?”

“Mr. Wang, you are the best!”

“When is your next live stream going to be?!”

Wang Yu live streams himself explaining physics formulas while students’ danmu (弹幕, literally “bullet curtain”), or moving commentaries, roll across the screen. The 34-year-old teacher rose to fame overnight after the local press reported his staggering hourly salary of RMB 18,000 ($2,700). Formerly a teacher at Chinese education giant New Oriental Education as well as at two of China’s top K-12 apps Zuoyebang (作业帮, literally “homework help”) and Xiaoyuansouti (小猿搜题, literally “a little ape searching for exam questions”), Wang now runs his own online education startup in Jinan, the capital of eastern China’s Shandong province.

Wang Yu, a physics teacher, earns up to $2,700 an hour by live streaming his lectures (Image credit: Wang Yu)

China has seen a surge in online education startups with 519 venture investments within just 2015, compared to 266 from the previous year, according to iResearch data (in Chinese). Most of these online education startups didn’t survive, however, due to their inability to earn a profit. A report (in Chinese) by BBT Commercial Research Institute shows that 70 percent of China’s online education companies were losing money and only 5 per cent went profitable in 2015.

Then the sector calmed down. The number of investments dropped to 428 in 2016 while the industry continued to expand: market size grew from RMB 99.8 billion ($14.94 billion) in 2014 to RMB 156 billion ($23.44 billion) in 2016, according to iResearch (in Chinese). Starting in 2016—widely recognized as the “year of live streaming” with a market size of $3 billion—both traditional educational institutions and rising online education startups have been pressing forward in live streaming tailored to K-12 students.

Zuoyebang and Xiaoyuansouti, both of whom started out with a focus on helping students solve homework problems, have launched their own live streaming services for teachers to give lectures. Traditional live streaming platforms YY (NASDAQ: YY) and Douyu also introduced an education section for students and teachers to interact. New Oriental and TAL (Tomorrow Advancing Life), China’s two leading private educators listed on NYSE, have set up new subsidiary brands dedicated to live streaming their top teachers.

“Live streaming is a trend, but it’s merely a teaching tool,” Pan Xin, COO of Koolearn, the online education arm of New Oriental, told local media (in Chinese). “It’s not a new business model.”

“Unlike KOL live streaming, what we provide is not content, but service,” says Shuai Ke, co-founder of Yuanfudao (猿辅导, literally means “the ape tutor”), the parent company of Xiaoyuansouti. “We were not really trying to hop on the live streaming bandwagon. In fact, we started live streaming well before the hype came around.”

A teacher explaining an eighth-grade physics question on Yuanfudao. Students can “ask for the mic” by clicking on the lower right button to ask the teacher questions (Screenshot taken from Yuanfudao’s iOS app)

Tencent-backed Yuanfudao, founded in 2012 by former NetEase employees, raised $120 million in May to become the first unicorn K-12 online education app in China. As early as June 2015, it had set up a live streaming service to provide one-on-one tutoring at RMB 39 ($5.86) an hour. Now available on PC, tablet, and mobile, the app allows a teacher to tutor up to 1,000 students simultaneously.

“Compared to lecture videos, live streaming provides a more immersive experience and deeper engagement,” reckons Shuai, emphasizing that educational products must put education first instead of blindly following suit. For instance, teaching assistants are assigned to big-size classes to answer students’ questions on QQ, Tencent’s 18-year-old social app that is still popular among young Chinese. For smaller classes, students can ask the teacher live during the lecture. Parents can contact teachers via the phone or WeChat to check on their kids’ progress.

Unlike purely online education startups, long-running institutions like New Oriental and TAL have opted for the so-called “dual-teacher model.” Students gather at a learning center in their city to watch the lecturing teacher, mostly based in a Tier 1 city, live streamed on a big screen. A second teacher is present as a teaching assistant to help with homework and maintain classroom order.

New Oriental’s “dual-teacher” model: the lecturing teacher is live streamed to students, and a teaching assistant is present to help maintain classroom order and answer questions (Image credit: New Oriental Education)

“The problem facing online K-12 services is that the buyers are parents while the users are students. A purely online method just won’t work,” Pan Xin, COO of New Oriental Online said to local media. Having an offline presence will thus build more trust among parents who are used to sending kids to an after-school tutoring center. The dual-teacher model has also been a fuel for New Oriental and TAL to launch into Tier 3 and 4 cities where educational resources are more scarce than China’s megacities.

“If an online model works well, why would we consider going offline?” Shuai says to us of the startup’s online-only model. For New Oriental and TAL, an O2O model is more compelling as their offline legacies have bestowed them with hundreds of learning centers across China, which can be a forceful channel to convert offline users online.

For Pan, live streaming won’t be the secret weapon for an online education company. “It will become a basic tool, a necessity, in the future,” he told media. “Only when online education is able to deliver an experience on par with the offline one will the sector see significant growth.”

Photo of the Day: ZATO on a Genjing Sleeve

Sneak peek at an upcoming release from Beijing vinyl label Genjing Records. The connection with our weekly photo theme — “handwriting” — comes from illustrator and Radii contributor Krish Raghav‘s subtle incorporation of ZATO’s tag into the cover art (check the lil dragon) for a forthcoming split 7″ between Beijing’s Birdstriking and New Zealand’s Die! Die! Die! Here’s ZATO in Baitasi. And here’s Krish, who is currently working on the upcoming Concrete and Grass music festival in Shanghai, on some Chinese bands worth your attention:

Finally, here’s some new Birdstriking to clean out your ears:

Photo courtesy Genjing boss Nevin Domer

I’m Having Fun: The Selfie-Taker as a Symbol in Chinese Advertising

Selfies.

2003’s seemingly minor addition of a second, front-facing camera on the Sony Ericsson Z1010 forever changed how we experience our increasingly digital world. Now selfies are inescapable, as present on our picturesque vacations as they are in our cybernetic love lives. There’s a cultural cycle that takes place when selfies are introduced – novelty, ridicule, innovation, acceptance. It goes from hey, let’s take a selfie, to why does she do that duck face in every picture? to Snapchat has interactive filters now! to the lyrics wait, let me take a selfie constituting a plausible theme for a hit radio single (disclaimer: we hate The Chainsmokers). But in China there’s one more stage in the cycle – marketability.

Billboards, subway ads, TV screens and mobile phones are plastered with the image of the selfie. And it’s not the selfie itself: it’s the act of taking one.

A subway ad I saw yesterday

Take this one for instance. Two girls in kimonos sit in front of a sushi spread. They pause to snap a selfie. Posing for the camera, full of likable, youthful energy, the two girls hold up their favorite product – Lion King toothpaste, available online at Tmall. The sushi, the toothpaste, and the selfie aren’t really related in any way. But the girls are beautiful. They’re having a more photogenic time than you. And they’re about to win status and admiration from their peers when the photo goes up. Their white teeth sparkle as if to say, this could be you.

I noticed the iconography of the selfie-taker firsthand while working on a project for the Guilin tourism bureau. I was hosting a video travel feature, checking off all the boxes in one of China’s biggest tourist destinations while a camera crew followed to document every moment. Every so often our director would stop and hand us an off-brand GoPro on a selfie stick. You take selfie, and we film you, he told us. The GoPro didn’t even have to be on. The video quality was bad, not usable in the final product – but it didn’t matter. The director just wanted a shot that would convey the idea of us sharing our experience online, where it would be seen by our loving friends and acquaintances.


No, the GoPro is not on

The actual popularity of the selfie-taker as a marketing image seems excessive, but it’s only natural if you consider the origins of cell phone culture in China. The arrival of the first true wave of cell phones in the country culminated in 2003’s Cell Phone, a box office smash hit directed by master of “cool” cinema Feng Xiaogang, and the year’s most profitable Chinese film. The main plot device of the film is the stylish and desirable Motorola 388C, which takes the characters on a journey of adultery, romance, comedy and suspense while handily showcasing the phone’s biggest features. The film was a hit across the board, turning its primary sponsor Motorola into the most talked-about cell phone brand in the country. Immediately afterwards, Motorola launched its music and entertainment platform, alongside the supremely successful “Hello Moto” advertising campaign. Cell phones had become intertwined with the rapidly emerging idea of mobile music, cementing their association with coolness and youth.

Today the culture surrounding cell phones has changed a lot, while also managing to stay the same. Our phones are much, much more than fifteen-buttoned boxes for calling and sending text messages, and that rings especially true in China. People here reach for their phones any time they need to buy a coffee, pay their landlord, or unlock a public bike. QR codes, the scrambled mosaic boxes that the west carelessly left behind, are ready for scanning everywhere you look, jump off points of digital connection in our three-dimensional world.

Most advertisements for cell phones in China just consist of a pretty celebrity holding the product in a counterproductive grip

At the same time, the energy surrounding them has remained surprisingly similar. Every phone wants to be the hippest, the most stylish, the most youthful, the most international. iPhone is still the heavyweight symbol of status as far as mobile phones go, but local brands like Xiaomi, Huawei, and Oppo have jumped into the race. Cell phone marketing here tends to focus more on the image than on the capabilities of the product itself, and most graphic advertisements for cell phones just consist of a pretty celebrity holding the product in a counterproductive grip.


China’s current “it boy”, ‘Hip Hop of China’ judge Kris Wu, failing to use the Xiaomi phone in any human way

On a macro level, China as a consumer base is still wrapped up with two things: the pursuit of Western products and image, and the performance of that image to their peers. Buyers eat up Gucci handbags and name brand fashion, real or fake, as a way of wrapping themselves in a visible international veneer. Tables at nightclubs are bought up by teenage kids from wealthy families, who come only to be seen. They stay at the tables rather than the dance floor, texting aimlessly and ordering bottles of champagne, which are decked out in eye-catching pyrotechnic sparklers, to be conspicuously paraded to their table by models. They take the pictures to post later, and delve back into their digital worlds.

Another subway ad I snapped in 2015, advertising a job recruitment website. Featuring the world’s most punchable face

The selfie-taker, then, is the intersection of all these things. Cell phones, consumer products, and social image. The selfie-taker is international, young, cool. The selfie-taker is equipped with the products you need to succeed, whether that be a cell phone or something else entirely. Most of all, the selfie-taker is poised to demonstrate his or her personal value to the world at large. The image of someone taking a selfie embodies both the act of demonstrating value, as well as the value itself that is worth demonstrating. A selfie-taker in an exotic locale says my international life is worth sharing. A selfie-taker in a button-down shirt and tie says my professional success is worth sharing. Two kimono-clad selfie-takers with white teeth say my physical appearance is worth sharing.

The selfie-taker is the intersection of all these things: cell phones, consumer products, social image

The selfie itself is only a vehicle. By connecting the selfie to the product, whatever that happens to be, the ad creates a value demonstration of its own. It lets the viewer know that their product is not only capable of making your life better, but that your improved life will be seen and appreciated by everyone you know. Selfies in ads might seem eerily common here. But when you consider the context of a rapidly changing 21st century China where image is everything, it only makes sense.

A Peek Inside an Inner Mongolian Hospital

In a bright ward, three families clustered around three beds. As I stood by the door, the sound of scattered chats floated into my ears. Words were uttered in an unfamiliar accent, spoken fast, far from standard Mandarin. I stepped in slowly, feeling awkward in my over-sized white gown bought at a drug store, with no hospital name sewn on.

A young and inexperienced anthropologist in training, I was conducting fieldwork at The Affiliated Hospital of Inner Mongolia Medical University. Thanks to a group of medical students from Peking University, who pulled together connections in the capital city of Hohhot for their research on the modernization of Mongolian Medicine, I was allowed inside wards at one of the best known hospitals in Inner Mongolia.

Hohhot

Founded in 1958, the hospital is now stationed inside a building of over twenty floors, with a staff of around 2,000. Among a long list of department names — mostly traditional fields of Western biomedicine ending in “–ology” — I found a rather curious name: “Department of Mongolian Medicine.”

If the Department of Urology treats diseases of the urinary system, and the Cardiovascular Department treats diseases of the heart and blood vessels, what does the Department of Mongolian Medicine treat?

The answer is: everything. Patients we ran into ended up in the Department of Mongolian Medicine for reasons as diverse as breast cancer, respiratory diseases, a sore lumbar, and a car accident.

The first person to notice my presence in the ward was an elderly woman lying on the bed in the middle of the room. Her skin had turned a pale yellow, and her body was extremely skinny. A wide silver bracelet enclosed her thin wrist. While gently touching a necklace that seemed too heavy for her fragile body, she looked straight at me, bluntly but with soft eyes.

Herbs commonly used in Mongolian medicine¹

Before I could start asking about her illness and why she chose to be treated by “Mongolian doctors,” a term that is almost equivalent to “con-man” in Chinese culture, I complimented her on her necklace. She smiled and raised a hand in mid-air, eager to respond. But the words came out in an accent undistinguishable by me. I smiled back and tried to ask for clarification, but with no success.

“Could you understand my mom?” A young woman sitting by the bed asked, seeming to notice my confusion. A young man standing by the foot of the bed also turned to look at me, curious.

After briefly introducing my work as a social scientist, I started an interview — or rather, a casual conversation — with the family. The young man and woman were brother and sister, accompanying their mother at the hospital. She had stayed at the hospital for over ten days for a bloated abdomen, but the cause of the severe hydrops still remained to be found even after a NMR (Nuclear Magnetic Resonance) test, a CDU (Color Doppler Ultrasound) test, and a CT scan. Just like every other patient I had seen at the Department of Mongolian Medicine, she had a bottle of liquid hanging over her bed. The bottle said Magnesium Isoglycyrrhizinate, a biomedical drug commonly used for liver dysfunction.

Pharmaceutical herb processing center

When asked why they chose Mongolian Medicine, the brother said that they had no choice. They came for the hospital itself, which was well-known, complete with modern technologies — not for Mongolian medicine. They were assigned to the department only because it had empty beds.

Other patients interviewed by my colleagues came to the hospital specifically to be treated with Mongolian Medicine, believing in its effectiveness. But even for those patients, they went through biomedical treatments firsts, and took Mongolian medicine only after they were more stable, according to a Mongolian doctor who agreed to have an Q&A session with us.

The doctor was of Mongolian ethnicity, like all doctors in the Department of Mongolian Medicine. Every ward on the floor had a sign displaying the ward number and the name of the doctor in charge, which was always a long name of more than three characters, translated from Mongolian. Jumping between Mongolian and Mandarin in his work, the doctor still pronounced certain characters with different tones from ones I could understand.

If the effectiveness of TCM, which can be understood as the traditional medicine of the Han ethnicity, is already constantly questioned, ethnic minority medicines face even more challenges

After the era of “barefoot doctors,” who practiced medicine alongside farm work, and individual clinics where traditional medicine doctors treated patients according to hands-on clinical experience with older masters and a generations-old heritage of medical knowledge, practicing physicians in China were finally required to obtain medical licenses that asked for either years of formal training in a number of designated hospitals, or mastery of standardized examinations. For doctors of traditional medicine, including Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) and all ethnic minority medicines, examinations test for biomedicine theory and operations as well.

If the effectiveness of TCM, which can be understood as the traditional medicine of the Han ethnicity, is already constantly questioned, ethnic minority medicines face even more challenges. According to the doctor hosting us at the Department of Mongolian Medicine, it is rare for students of other ethnicities to study Mongolian medicine. The study of the tradition requires fluent Mongolian, which is often the first language of those of the Mongolian ethnicity. Distinct from TCM, let alone biomedicine, Mongolian medicine thinks in terms of a philosophical tradition shaped by the history of the ethnic group, its past interactions with Buddhism, Tibetan cultures, and other diverse knowledge systems brought by travelers, and its remote geographical location.

TCM understands the human body and substances of the universe in terms of Yin and Yang, while Mongolian Medicine resembles Tibetian Medicine and Ayurvedic Medicine, thinking in terms of the five elements: ether (akasha), air (vayu), fire (tejas), water (apas), and earth (prithvi). Traditional Mongolian Medicine believes that each element corresponds to different organs, issues and functions inside one’s body, and their relationships with each other form an organic whole. In terms of medicine, TCM usually cooks herbs through repeated boiling, while Mongolian Medicine prescribes raw medicine, made from dried herbs and minerals. The two major forms of medicine are powder and spherical pills, the later of which make metallic ding-dong sounds when dropped into a glass jar.

Mongolian medicine thinks in terms of a philosophical tradition shaped by the history of the ethnic group, its past interactions with Buddhism, Tibetan cultures, and other diverse knowledge systems brought by travelers, and its remote geographical location

After a round of exchanges regarding the theory of Mongolian medicine, I ventured to question: which is utilized more, biomedicine or Mongolian medicine, in the treatment of your patients? The doctor answered in a matter-of-fact tone: biomedicine, especially for these patients whose illnesses are relatively heavy. For outpatients with a common cold, Mongolian medicine is prescribed more often.

In other words, those carrying a medical license for Mongolian Medicine often end up treating patients using biomedicine, both its pharmaceuticals and its ways of understanding the human body and illnesses, regarding Mongolian Medicine as a complementary method that is nevertheless branded a unique treasure of the Mongolian ethnic minority. In an interview with a local governmental official, it is claimed that ethnic minority medicine has been developing steadily over the past five years.

The loss of Mongolian Medicine in medical practice at the hospital, however, tells another story. If licensed Mongolian doctors practice biomedicine, while those who have learned Mongolian Medicine from a master over years of practice do not meet the requirements for legal medical practice, where could one find the remains of the tradition other than in ancient literature? Should any medical tradition, whose ultimate aim is inevitably treating patients or enhancing health, exist only in books, silent and dead, its own health as a discipline permanently harmed by pressures to “modernize,” to become “scientific”?

Should any medical tradition, whose ultimate aim is inevitably treating patients or enhancing health, exist only in books?

One might argue that biomedicine is, if not the solution to every illness, the standard that should be used to measure all other medical traditions. The only chance of survival for traditional medicine in hospitals instead of beauty parlors might be chemical analyses clearly demonstrating the components of herbal treatments, and how, exactly, certain medicine or body techniques function. If one flips through an academic journal of traditional medicine, one will find experiments proving the effectiveness of certain herbs, instead of advancements and innovations made within an internally coherent knowledge system bearing significant epistemological differences to biomedicine.

Traditional medicines in China are often regarded as shamanic practices by the Chinese themselves

Another insight worth attention is that traditional medicines in China are not only labeled “alternative medicine” or “pseudo-medicine” by Western countries; they are often regarded as shamanic practices by the Chinese themselves. For the traditional medicines of ethnic minorities, they are inaccurately relegated as just another branch of Traditional Chinese Medicine in legislation, and universally urged to “modernize” by both governmental officials, often of the Han ethnicity, and doctors of Mongolian ethnicity. Just as traditional medicine in general serves the larger narrative of modernization created since Deng Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening Up of the 1980s, the traditional medicine of ethnic minorities are made to serve the homogenizing narrative of nationalism in Xi’s China.

Hohhot bus ride

Back in the ward, the family was still chatting amiably, with me and with the other two patient families sharing the room. “We will have to wait more, to eliminate possible causes step by step,” said the brother.

The mother was still smiling, looking at her son, her daughter and me, back and forth, seeming eager for some kind of answer.

***

¹ These photos of herbs used in Mongolian medicine were taken at the plantation of a pharmaceutical company in Inner Mongolia. According to a local official, Traditional Mongolian Medicine products produced by the 16 pharmaceutical companies in Inner Mongolia were worth six billion RMB (close to $1 billion USD) of market value last year. These products are mass-produced according to supposedly secret prescriptions composed of several kinds of herbs. In a more traditional setting, even classical prescriptions are often adapted according to individual needs of each patient.

Yunnan Invented the World’s Hottest Pepper

If you thought last week’s Hunan chili-eating contest was hot, be prepared: that was just a warmup. Today’s China food update is a brutal mashup of science and masochism: farmers in southwestern Yunnan province now claim to have created the world’s hottest pepper (link in Chinese). Like, can’t touch it without gloves because the oil from the pepper will burn your skin and cause 4-6 hours of severe discomfort hot. “Not edible by humans or animals” heat levels here.

GoKunming reports from Yunnan’s capital:

“Yunnan Honglü Capsaicin (云南宏绿辣素有限公司) operates experimental chili farms in Xundian County (寻甸县), about 90 minutes by car northeast of Kunming. When harvest season rolls around, workers picking the company’s bright red hybrid peppers must wear protective clothing, especially over their hands and faces… Physically, this new breed of pepper looks no different from typical versions grown in Yunnan that resemble scotch bonnets or habeñeros. But that lack of apparent difference is quickly dispelled if anyone is foolish enough to try and eat one. The current hottest pepper in the world — measured using the Capsaicin-based Scoville Scale — is the Indian ghost pepper. Honglü researchers believe their chili is “two or three times” more caustic. In fact, the devilishly spicy monster so far has a simple and to-the-point name — ‘industrial pepper’ (工业辣椒).

Satan’s tears

Experimental chili farms! Industrial pepper! Too real. Evidently this pepper is being grown for use in pesticides but I feel like it’ll go over great at your next post-human dinner party. Enjoy!

Photo of the Day: Vintage AK47

Full-size image

This one’s a photo of a photo by Zhang Haipei. The original was featured in a recently closed exhibition of photographs from Beijing’s inner-city hutong alleys organized by the Hutong π collective.

Zhang’s image depicts a half-destroyed structure (the Hubei Community Center) graced with the tag of one of Beijing’s first graffiti artists, AK47. Kicking off his rogue practice in the mid-’90s, AK47, née Zhang Dali, is seen by many as the godfather of Beijing street art. He features prominently in the most comprehensive documentary on the subject to date, Lance Crayon’s 2013 Spray Paint Beijing: